Fashion of the Muslim World Medival
Eye East: History of Islamic Dress
Clothes in the Islamic world has historically conveyed the wearer'due south rank and status, profession, and religious affiliation. Official recognition of loyal service was expressed in gifts of wearing apparel fabrics and clothing (in Arabic, khilca; Turkish, hilat; Persian, khalat) until the late nineteenth century. Wearing clothing of one's social group signified contentment, whereas to be seen publicly in dress worn by a higher course proclaimed dissatisfaction with the prevailing order. As well the refusal to don the color or headwear associated with the controlling authority, whether purple or fraternal, formally demonstrated the withdrawal of allegiance.
The ruling household was presumed to be both arbiter and custodian of "good taste," and any deviant beliefs could be used to legitimize rebellion to restore "order." The theologian/jurist constantly reminded the government to uphold clothes standards to guard against serious social repercussions; thus the 1967 Israeli occupation of Egyptian Sinai was understood by some to exist a consequence of Egyptian young women adopting Western fashions. The numerous legal edicts regarding dress (such equally the prohibition of cantankerous-dressing, ostentatious female attire, and not-Muslim clothing) were difficult to constabulary, just market regulations (hisba), concerning weaving, tailoring, and dyeing practices, were easier to enforce.
The Qur'an contains few details concerning "proper" dress; most guidance is independent in the Hadith (sayings of the prophet Muhammad) literature, an important component of Islamic law. Notwithstanding, it is concerned primarily with certain Muslim rituals, such as the hajj, or burying, rather than with everyday wear. Each major group and sect of Islam relies on its own Hadith compilation for legal guidance, and over time and in response to regional requirements historic judgements were clarified or superseded. And so in that location is no universal ruling regarding the nature and character of "proper" dress, including female veiling. Maliki law, for instance, permitted ane finger'south width of pure silk for (male) garment trimming, while pure silk outer garments were acceptable in Hanafi circles. All theologians, whether Sunnī or Shīcī, preferred the devout Muslim male to dress austerely in cotton, linen, or wool, and Muslim mystics were known as sufīs "wearers of wool." However, it was generally agreed that the prosperity and power of the Islamic state was best demonstrated through ostentatious dress and ceremonial; Muslim philosophers, such every bit Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406), acknowledged that cultured societies were recognized by their tailored garments, and non by unproblematic Bedouin wraps.
Personal wealth was expressed past ownership of textiles and dress as recorded in the eleventh and twelfth century Cairo Geniza trousseau lists. Certain Muslim festivals were celebrated with gifts of new clothing, while other periods (due east.g., the month of Muharram in Shīcī communities) were associated with mourning dress, the color of which depended on regional conventions. Cutting and tailoring of courtroom clothing were undertaken on cheering days determined by the royal astronomer. In the full general belief that spells were more effective when secreted in clothing, the protective formula bismillah ("in the name of God…") would be uttered when dressing to deflect any evil. As further protection, many wore items busy with talismanic designs incorporating Qur'anic verses and associated symbols. Clothing of saintly persons, specially those of the prophet Muhammad, was understood to be imbued with baraka (divine approving), and and so the master's cloak (khirqa, burda) was publicly draped over the initiate's shoulders in Sufi and society rituals.
Textile processing and product formed the mainstay of the Islamic Centre Eastern economy until the nineteenth century, so, unsurprisingly, Arabic, Western farsi, and Turkish literature comprise numerous references to fabrics and clothing. However, meanings are imprecise and, until recently, many scholars assumed that repetition of a specific garment term over centuries and across regions signified that its meaning and appearance remained unchanged and universal; this assumption has non fostered academic interest in the subject.
Near pictorial evidence is institute in mail-twelfth-century manuscripts, metalwork, and other artwork, just it rarely relates to family unit or working life. The advent of photography in the nineteenth century resulted in valuable insights into hamlet and rural dress, simply records contain few details of the wearers' ages and social placing, and of garment and fabric structure. Textile finds have rarely been recorded in archaeological reports of excavations, and few museum pieces have been published with total seaming and decorative details.
The basic garment structure was very simple: the loom width formed the primary front and dorsum panels, with additional cloth inserts to create extra width and shaping where required, even on many Ottoman and Iranian court robes. Drawstring waists created gathers and unsewn pleats. Information technology was non until the nineteenth century and the introduction of European fashions that shaped armholes, padded and sloping shoulders, darts, and so along were used in garment structure.
Umayyad and Abbasid Clothes
Afterwards Muhammad's death in 632 C.E., Islam spread across North Africa and into Spain, through Syrian arab republic to southeastern Anatolia and Cardinal Asia, reaching the boundaries of Imperial China and India by around 750. Chroniclers wrote extensively near such conquests, merely little on apparel matters. Some information is contained in Hadith compilations and in later on criticisms of earlier regimes-for example ninth-century disapproval of the abaft robes of perfumed yellow silk worn by the Umayyad caliph Walid II (r. 743-744) as demonstrating a dissolute lifestyle, and the excessively big wardrobe of Hisham (r. 724-743).
With the establishment of the Islamic state, there was no immediate change in dress if only because non-Muslims, then the majority of the population, were required non to apparel like Arab Muslims, and it is known that Egypt paid its annual tribute in Coptic garments. The simple wrap (izar, thawb) of pre-Islamic Arabia, along with a sleeved, collarless qamis (shirt) probably came to be recognized as "Muslim" clothes for both genders. On top was worn a mantle (caba) formed from wide material, folded twice into the center along the weft and sewn along i selvage (forming the shoulder), and slit in both folds (armholes). At least six other terms for mantles were in use at this time, indicating that each differed in some style. By the eighth century the turban (cimama) of rolled, wound textile became the best-selling sign of a Muslim male, and at least threescore-six different methods of winding are mentioned.
As Muhammad disliked the color red and richly patterned fabrics, finding them distracting during prayer, devout Muslim men were advised to avoid such fabrics and colors forth with light-green, the dress of angels. Such recommendations did non apply to Muslim women, but they were enjoined not to parade jewelry, to "comprehend" (hijab, meaning curtain or mantle) themselves modestly, and to clothing sirwal (drawers) of which, the Hadith records, Muhammad approved. Various footwear terms are mentioned, only the camel leather nacl sandal, worn by the Prophet, with two straps, 1 across the foot, the other encircling the large toe, became an enduring favorite and was required men's footwear for hajj pilgrims.
In his lifetime Muhammad honored certain individuals by giving an detail of personal wearable or cloth length, and this became established court custom (khilca) in the Umayyad menstruum from 661 to 749. An boosted honor was an embroidered or tapestry band (tiraz) bearing the caliph'due south name and other details, sewn or woven near or on the dropped shoulder positioning of the caba and of the jubba, a long centrally-fastened garment with textile rectangles joined at right angles to grade sleeves. The earliest known tiraz fragment in red silk (in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London) records the proper noun of the caliph Marwan I (r. 684-685) or Marwan II (r. 744-750).
Decorative collar and cuffs were features of kingly dress and perchance formed part of the caliphal insignia. The plaster statuary depicting the ruler in Sasanid imperial dress (e.g., Khirbat al-Mafjar, Qasr al-Hayr al-Gharbi) perhaps records actual Umayyad caliphal apparel, only perhaps it just utilizes a recognizable royal imagery. The Umayyad dynastic color was probably white, worn with a white cimama for the Friday prayer, simply otherwise, as depicted on coins, the "crown" was like to the Sasanid crown (taj) or a tall sugar-loaf cap (qalansuwa).
In this menses depictions of women's clothes are limited to female entertainers and attendants, with few exceptions. As noted above, sirwal were ofttimes worn along with a qamis, but whether or how these differed from the male garments is unknown. The early eighth century Qusayr Amra murals show half-naked entertainers in checkered skirt wraps, but the ladies in the enthronement composition accept long garments with wide necks, and head veils. The Hadith disapproves of artificial tresses, indicating a 7th- and eighth-century fashion, but these entertainers take kiss-curls and ringlets.
A favorite wearing apparel fabric at court, peculiarly during the reigns of Sulayman (r. 715-717) and of the Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid (r. 786-809), was washi from Egypt, Iraq, and Yemen-probably a weft-ikat (tie-dyed) silk considering examples, albeit in cotton, accept survived. However, the man and woman of fashion avidly sought garment fabrics from beyond the empire: Egyptian linens, silks from Iraq and the Caucasus, Adenese mantles, Iranian silk and cotton fiber mixtures, and then on, avoiding, if possible, noticeable textural contrast (e.g., cotton fiber and linen) and bright, contrasting dye shades.
With Iranian back up the Abbasid family unit, proclaiming the correct of the Prophet'southward family to the caliphate, seized control from the Umayyad firm in 749. Within decades Spain, North Africa, and and then Arab republic of egypt and southern Syrian arab republic broke away from direct Abbasid command while hereditary governorships in the eastern regions had virtual independence, provided they paid tribute promptly to the Baghdad court. From 945 if not before, the overriding cultural influences in Abbasid courtroom ceremonies and dress were Iranian (the bureaucrats) and also Turkic (war machine).
As Ibn Khaldun explained, the Abbasid dynastic colour was blackness, commemorating the violent deaths of Muhammad's son-in-police and grandsons. Failure to wear black robes at the twice-weekly audiences demonstrated the wearer's dissatisfaction with the ruler and government. On ceremonial duty, the caliph usually wore black, with the Prophet's pall over his shoulders (signifying his approving) and conveying other relics associated with Muhammad, or he sometimes wore a monochrome overgarment embroidered in white wool or silk. The qalansuwa was still perceived as the "crown," but private caliphs preferred one model over others.
As court ceremonial became more circuitous, the main professions of bureaucrat, ground forces officer, and theologian had distinctive wearing apparel. The vizier (government minister) was recognizable past his double belt, and his colleagues were known as the ashab al-dararic (literally, men of the durraca) because of their long woollen robes, buttoned neck to chest, probably with long aplenty sleeves. Army officers (ashab al-aqbiyya) wore the shorter, close-fitting qaba, probably introduced from Iran by Caliph al-Mansur (r. 754-775), with trousers or leggings. Its exact structure is debatable, but perhaps it was similar the tailored eighth- and ninth-century silk robe, patterned with Sasanid motifs from Mochtshevaya Balka, Caucasus. The highest ranks wore black, an honor not permitted to lower ranks, merely the caliphal personal guard dressed in patterned silks with gold belts. The military were allowed a form of qalansuwa, although by the late 12th century the highest ranking officers displayed their Turkic origins-and indeed support for Saladin-by donning the sharbush, a furtrimmed cap with a distinctive triangular fundamental plaque. The theologian on the other hand was identifiable by his voluminous outer robe of blackness cotton, linen, or wool, busy with golden-embroidered tiraz bands. When giving the Fri sermon, he wore a black turban, only diverse thirteenth-century Maqamat al-Hariri illustrations show him on less formal occasions in a white turban, covered past a shoulder-length black taylasan hood.
A lady's ensemble even so consisted of sirwal, qamis under a long robe belted with a sash or cummerbund, and a similarly-colored head covering, all covered past 1 or more than long caput- and face-veils for outdoor wearable. White was worn by divorced women, and bluish and black were reserved for those in mourning. Multi-colored and striped fabrics were best avoided for street article of clothing while bright monochrome colors were associated with female entertainers. Theological criticisms reveal that purple ladies spent wildly on clothing for special occasions, a single robe sometimes costing more than xvi hundred times a doctor's monthly salary. Unfortunately, specific descriptions of such costly garments are never included.
The Maqamat al-Hariri illustrated manuscripts, probably produced in northern Syria or Iraq, comprise valuable visual information, and occasionally peasant and working classes are shown in other illustrated works. For the earlier Abbasid period, pictorial evidence is more or less limited to early-twentieth-century archaeological drawings of excavated mural fragments from the palace complexes at Samarra. The painted ceiling of the Capella Palatina (Palermo, Sicily) is more closely related to Fatimid (Egypt and North Africa) apparel, while wall-paintings in the Xinjiang region (western China) and Lashkar-i Bazar (Transitional islamic state of afghanistan) describe regional costume styles.
Apparel of the Mamluk Sultanate
With the Mongol capture of Baghdad in 1258, the Abbasid caliph fled to the Mamluk court at Cairo, where he was accorded respect just no power. It has been usual for Western historians to consider the sultanate in two periods: Bahri military rule (c. 1250-c. 1293), and Burji rule (c. 1293-1516). In the Bahri army there were at least v main indigenous groupings, and three divisions, each with distinctive dress, which were fiercely protected, too as a special uniform for attending the sultan, and another for royal processions. At least half-dozen different types of war machine qaba are named, but none can be deeply assigned to the various military garments shown in belatedly-thirteenth-century depictions. The sharbush and the sarajuq, favorite military headgear until the late thirteenth century, were replaced by the kalawta or minor fabric cap, sometimes costing almost ii months of a physician's salary, worn with or without a turban fabric. Ground forces and court officers were allowed to display their own blazon (rank) on their property, whether shoes, pen cases, or servants' habiliment; several, fabricated of appliqué felt, have survived (for instance, those in the Textile Museum, Washington, D.C.).
As the Abbasid caliph was however theoretically the head of Muslim Sunnīs, black robes and head coverings were retained as "official" theological wearing apparel although Sultan Barquq, tiring of it in 1396 and 1397, ordered the wearing of colored woollen outer garments. Highest-ranking qadis (judges) wore the dilq, while other magistrates had the farajiyya, a garment term in apply since 1031; the precise characteristics of either robe are not known. That said, it is axiomatic that there were regional differences, though undefined, as provincial theologians were recognized by their apparel, possibly in the manner of today'south foreign tourists visiting another country.
Certain sultans had highly individual fashion tastes, such as al-Nasir Nasir al-Din Muhammad (r. 1294-1295; 1299-1308; 1309-1340), of Mongol parentage, who shocked courtroom circles past wearing Arab bedouin wearing apparel. To proclaim the legality of Mamluk authority, the sultan was invested with Abbasid blackness by the caliph, merely by and large for courtroom audiences he wore military clothes, acknowledging his debt to his beau Mamluk officers. The khilca or system of honorific garments, described by al-Maqrizi, offers an insight into Mamluk court complexities. Highest-ranking commanders were awarded, among other things, garments of red and yellow Rumi (possibly Anatolian) satin, lined with squirrel and trimmed with beaver, with a gold belt and kalawta clasps. A white silk fawqani robe, woven with gilt thread and busy with silk embroidery, squirrel, and beaver was given to primary viziers while less-costly fabrics of other colors, only hemmed in beaver, were presented to lower-ranking bureaucrats. Such khilca was presented to marking a new engagement, an individual's arrival and divergence from courtroom, the successful determination of an architectural project or medical handling, and similar occasions.
In 1371 and 1372 the sultan ordered members of the prophet Muhammad's family, men and women, to wearable a piece of green textile in public and so that due respect could exist paid to them. From then on, the leaf-green colour, obtained by dyeing first in blue and then yellow (thus more than expensive than single-dyed fabrics), was formally restricted in Sunnī circles to this grouping. In Mamluk society a bright scarlet worn in public denoted prostitutes, although elsewhere in the Islamic Heart Due east it was the ceremonial color for the highest-ranking Mongol ladies, and for bridal apparel.
Past this time tailored garments were the norm, formed from x or more shaped units sewn together, as seen in garment fragments in museum collections; regrettably none has been published fairly. Many "Mamluk" wearing apparel-weight fabrics have patterns based on foliated teardrop motifs, sometimes edged with Arabic inscriptions blessing the wearer, or lobed rosette shapes surrounded by running animals.
Dress in the Ottoman Empire
From a small Anatolian principality, the Ottoman family unit apace extended authority into most of Anatolia and the Balkans. In 1453 the courtroom moved for the last fourth dimension to Constantinople (Istanbul), standing its territorial expansion into fundamental Europe, Arab republic of egypt and North Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, and western Iran.
Within the Topkapi Saray Museum (Istanbul) collections, there are more than two 1000 dress items associated with the Ottoman sultans and their household; few are linked with the purple ladies and children. This source is augmented by numerous manuscript and album paintings, and other items.
Fifty-fifty the sultan's robes were essentially uncomplicated in structure, with shaping achieved through joining inserts to the main front and back panels. The central fastening of thread buttons with cloth loops was accentuated past horizontal lines of chaprast braiding, the number of rows denoting the wearer'south higher status. The typical ceremonial garment, stylish from the mid-fifteenth century to the mid-sixteenth century, was the ankle-length, elbow-length sleeved kaftan worn over another sleeved garment, collarless shirt, and trousers; a dogie-length version was also available. A similarly tailored robe but with wide sleeves tapering sharply to a buttoned wrist-cuff was the dolaman, a seventeenth-century style. Over these garments, the sultan and loftier-ranking officials wore a long, ample pall (kapaniche) with a furcovered, shoulder-width, and shoulder-length square collar flap; for the sultan'due south investiture mantle, the fur was black fob, while the one thousand vizier, chief eunuch, and bostanci bashi (commander of personal guard) usually had sable. Sleeves were often extra long and worn loose to permit lower ranks to osculation the border. The arm had access through a slit at the elbow or shoulder-sleeve seam. Loftier function was also shown past excessively tall or broad headwear in various shapes, made of padded fine muslin cotton over a balsa-wood class. Breeches with drawstring waists were generously shaped, presumably to allow extra padded linings for wintertime vesture.
In that location was no noticeable difference between the Ottoman ceremonial garments of the master bureaucrat and ground forces commander, only there were various singled-out regimental uniforms, which became more ornate and less functional over the centuries. The bostanci was recognizable in his red, dogie-length, long-sleeved outer garment worn with either a cerise felt cap, drooping over the right ear, or a alpine, brown conical cap (perhaps denoting rank). The ceremonial archer solak corps wore tight-fitting shalvar (trousers) or hose with ankle boots, over which was worn a filmy underskirt and an elaborately patterned sleeved outer garment; an asymmetrical conical headdress with a broad golden headband completed the ensemble. The peyk troop of court messengers had a distinctive rounded "helmet" of gilded and incised copper, while the other Janissary regiments demonstrated their clan with the Bektashi Sufi order by wearing the keche, a white felt "tube" ascent some twelve inches from a stiff gold-embroidered band, then falling downward the back; it symbolized the garment sleeve worn by the gild'due south founder.
Muslim theologians continued to wear ample outer robes, the cubbe (in Arabic, jubba), sweeping the flooring and buttoned from the waist, with very wide sleeves. The chief theologian was permitted a sable lining, but urban mullahs were restricted to ermine. In early-eighteenth-century Sur-proper noun illustrated manuscripts, lower-ranking jurists are identifiable by their conical "lamp-shade" turbans, but important theologians wore the urf, an enormous spherically shaped rolled turban, white in color, while from the 1590s the nakib ul-eshraf (in Standard arabic, naqib al-ashraf), leader of the prophet Muhammad'south descendants, had his in green like his outer robe. Thereafter, Europeans wearing dark-green risked physical attack. Besides depicted in various manuscripts are various Sufī (mystic) orders, whose garments and, peculiarly, headgear had specific symbolic connotations according to the order.
There were four main grades of courtroom honorific garments (in Turkish, hilat), costing the treasury each year half of what was spent on clothing the ninety-nine Janissary regiments: "about excellent," "belted," "variegated," and "plain." As the terms imply, the difference lay in fabric quality, fur lining or trimming, coloring, and number of items offered. Presentations were likewise fabricated to provincial and regional governors and to visiting foreign delegates.
Status through dress was as well found in the harem, conveyed in the type of fur trimming and lining, and the richness of the bejeweled "marital" belt. European reports regarding female individual dress probably relate to entertainers and women in similar occupations, and to not-Muslim women, as admission into the harem by a non-Muslim male was strictly curtailed. Similar constraints applied to Ottoman court painters earlier around 1710, so it is unclear how accurate these apparel representations are. Even with the detailed album paintings of Levni (flourished 1710-1720s), in that location is trivial indication of cloth texture and seaming. The late-sixteenth-century street clothing was a long-sleeved, voluminous ferace (in Standard arabic, farajiyya) with its long yaka back-collar and 2-slice mahrama face covering, worn with a black ellipsoidal horsehair peche over the eyes. This garment covered various robes, including underdrawers, ample trousers, and a fine chemise. The master visual difference between female and male attire was not the direction of fastening as in later European dress, just the revealing necklines of women's dress. Various headdresses are depicted, just it is unclear whether these were exclusive to courtroom ladies and whether they indicated ranking. 1 had a tall, waisted cylindrical class, similar to that worn by fourteenth-century Mongol princesses in Islamic republic of iran and Mamluk ladies in Cairo. Another two ofttimes illustrated were a small cap with an oval metal plate placed like an angled mirror, and a truncated conical grade, sometimes four inches high covered with luxurious fabric.
The pick of fabrics was staggering. Fine wools were manufactured domestically along with choice water-marked silk-mohair mixtures and printed cottons, often used for linings. Sericulture had been in total operation in Anatolia since 1500, producing superb fabrics, often with large pattern repeats highlighted in woven gilt and silver thread. Equally withal, the fabrics manufactured elsewhere in Ottoman territories-for example the Balkans, North Africa, Syria, and Iraq-cannot be securely identified, and at that place are no detailed descriptions of regional dress outside eastern Europe until the late eighteenth century. The favorite sixteenth-century patterns, often in four or more colors, were based on geometric compositions, meanders, and ogival lattices, formed by or infilled with stemmed flowers, such as the carnation, rose, and tulip, perhaps reflecting the contemporary court involvement in gardens; inclusion of figural representations probably denotes non-Ottoman industry. Plague outbreaks in the eighteenth century with subsequent loss of skilled weavers perhaps led to the increased use of embroidery and small design motifs carried in stripes, as in contemporary French silks.
Clothes in Safavid Iran
Ismail of the Safavid family unit, relying on the back up of some x tribal clans (qizilbash), causeless control of Iran, eastern Turkey, the Caucasus, and nowadays-24-hour interval Afghanistan, sweeping bated the remnants of Timurid and other regimes. Although the bulk of Iranian Muslims were and so Sunnī in conventionalities, Ismail ordered that the state religion be henceforth Shīcī Islam of the Ithna Ashari branch, which held that the twelfth descendant (Imam) of Muhammad would return to fix the community for the day of reckoning. Accordingly early on Safavid shahs required their supporters, especially the qizilbash (Turkish for "redhead") to clothing a distinctive bloodred cap (taj) with twelve vertical padded folds ending in a billy-like finial, usually wound with a white turban cloth, symbolizing devotion to twelve Imams and willingness to die for the Safavid cause.
The typical early on Safavid courtroom garment retained the simple structure worn in fifteenth-century Iran nether a similarly structured outer robe with loose hanging sleeves; both had horizontal chest braiding for fastening. By the 1570s, it was fashionable to don a heavier outer garment, again simply tailored simply with the front left panel extended to fasten diagonally, with three or four fabric ties, under the right arm. Neither manner was apparently the exclusive prerogative of whatever office or rank, as probably court and military officers carried identifying wands of office. As the qizilbash lost position to Caucasian Georgian mercenaries during the early seventeenth century, so the court turned to Georgian-styled garments with a more fitted line, still achieved past material insertion rather than by darts and pleats, accentuating the waist and hips with a calf-length, bell-shaped brim and central fastening. Likewise, the taj was replaced past a fur-trimmed cap with a deep, upturned rim, or by diverse flamboyant turban forms.
As in the Ottoman court at that place was a rich diversity of silks and velvets, many incorporating metal threads creating a shimmering groundwork for twill weave patterns of isolated floral sprays. Unlike their Sunnīcī counterparts, - theologians were not overly concerned with the presence of figural representations on textiles, so motifs of people, animals, and birds were ofttimes incorporated into the pattern. Tailored within the palace, the honorific khalat garments were graded, according to a courtroom administrator, on the percentage of gold used in silver-gilt metallic thread. However, such rich clothing was prepare aside for black or night garments during the Muslim month of Muharram, to commemorate the tragic expiry of the Prophet's grandson, Husain (Third Imam in Shīcī belief).
Examples of mid-seventeenth-century garment styling were described and drawn by Engelbert Kaempfer, John Chardin, and other European visitors, but without precise details of profession and condition, and the pictorial accurateness of women's clothes is questionable, as access would accept been limited to Christian, Jewish, and Zoroastrian females. Iranian album paintings of the mid-seventeenth century depict languidly posed ladies, their heads covered by diverse patterned and shaped kerchiefs, and the whiteness of their faces emphasized by double strands of pearls draped over the head and under the mentum. Their robes are narrow-plumbing equipment, total length, and sleeved, with fitted trousers patterned in diagonal stripes, whereas the dancing girls with their multi-plaits shown in gimmicky "palace" paintings (e.1000., Chihil Sutun, Isfahan) habiliment hip-length, sleeved tunics and jackets over bong-shaped, calf-length drawstring skirts.
Early Ottoman and Iranian Wearing apparel
Both the nineteenth-century Ottoman sultanate and the Qajar regime in Iran from 1775 to 1924 decided that armed services reorganization and reequipment on European lines were vital to counter European and Russian expansionist policies. Theological contempt was firsthand, proclaiming that Islam was existence betrayed, and that the wearing of European-styled uniforms signified aught less than the victory of Christianity; a peaked army cap prohibited proper prostration required in Muslim prayer ritual, while ornate frogging on Austrian-styled military jackets signified conventionalities in the crucified Christ. Both regimes resorted to desperate measures to achieve military reequipment, and and so initiated other clothes reforms alongside major changes in criminal and civic law, education, and religious endowment management.
The 1839 Gulhane edict removed legal and social differentials between Ottoman Muslim and non-Muslim subjects, including sumptuary legislation relating to non-Muslims. Thirteen years earlier, all developed males, except theologians, had been ordered to article of clothing clothing based on European styling: straight trousers, collared shirts, cravats, and the fez, instead of multicolored long, loose silk robes and turbans. Women were not included, only by the mid-nineteenth century Ottoman ladies of condition were eagerly ordering copies of the fashions worn by visiting European ladies.
After Globe War I Mustafa Kemal "Ataturk" undertook further clothes reforms as an integral part of his modernization programs, secularizing the new Turkish Republic and linking it politically with Europe rather than the Center East. Viewing the fez every bit the symbol of fidelity to Ottoman values, he ordered the wearing of brimmed hats and Western-styled suits for men, with harsh penalties for noncompliance. Once again women's wear was not included; even so, salaries were non paid to female government and public employees (for case, teachers, nurses, lawyers, and clerks) unless they dressed in European style and abandoned whatever face or head veiling.
In nineteenth-century Islamic republic of iran, similar policies were followed past the Qajar shahs. Fath Ali Shah (r. 1797-1834) had introduced a new type of kulah headgear of astrakhan lamb in an obliquely-cut conical grade, eighteen inches high, and a close-fitting, narrow-sleeved, full-length garment designed to accentuate his elevation and slender form, which was worn with a dazzling array of jewelry. However, by the late 1840s, the shah's ceremonial dress was military machine in fashion with direct European trousers and shoes and a long buttoned jacket with high "mandarin" collar, embellished with golden frogging including epaulettes. Court officials followed adjust. A fur-trimmed open up overjacket of Kirman wool and white gloves completed the outfit.
Courtroom ladies posed for oil paintings in richly patterned, total-length, wide "culottes" (zir-jamah), and a fine, filmy sleeved pirahan undershirt ofttimes slit vertically over each breast (symbolizing fecundity). Over this a short, hipped jacket (chapkan, kurdi), richly patterned, was worn. All this finery was concealed outdoors by a voluminous full-length night-colored head veil (chador) and a fine, waist-length, white cotton or silk face veil (ruband). A radical alter resulted from the shah's state visit to Europe in 1873. Seeing the dogie-length ballerina skirts and white stockings of the Paris opera chorus, he ordered similar garments for his anderun (harem) which, over the years, became markedly shorter, most twelve inches.
In 1924 the military commander Reza Khan (d. 1941) took control and listened sympathetically to Iranian intellectuals, increasingly questioning the relevance of women's veiling and of social discrimination. Theological hostility erupted with the official abolition of the veil in Afghanistan in 1928, and was fanned in December that year by Reza Shah's Compatible Dress Police, which required all Iranian men, including nomadic communities but excluding licensed theologians, to wear Western suits, shirts, ties, and brimmed hats or the peaked Pahlavi kulah, similar to the French Foreign Legion'south kepi. In 1934 female university students and teachers were ordered to wear hats, and by August 1935 women had be unveiled for renewal of identity documents. The Iranian queen appeared in public unveiled in early 1936, and in Feb of that year the chador, the ruband, and pichah (in Turkish, peche) were officially banned.
Rural and Tribal Clothes
Earlier the 1930s, some 55 percent of the population throughout the Middle Due east were ruralist, and a further 25 percentage were pastoralists ("nomads"), but centralized authorities, land legislation, economic development, and ecological changes resulted in massive migration from the land to the cities; in Iran and Turkey less than 5 percent atomic number 82 a "nomadic" life in the early 2000s. Generally speaking, nineteenth- and early on-twentieth-century European and Russian studies of nonurban communities were subjective, romanticizing the societies every bit "unchanging" and "unpolluted," although noesis of nonurban and ethnic wearing apparel (such as Iranian Kurdish or Bakhtiari) before photography was negligible. Since the 1970s, the anthropological approach has resulted in markedly more than objectivity.
More often than not, subsequently the 1930s, legislation required men to wear Western wearing apparel except during communal celebrations, but occasionally a "national" or "community" keepsake was adopted, such every bit the distinctive felt cap of the Qashqaci (Iran) tribal subclan, introduced in 1941, or the Palestinian kufiyya headdress. Most married women over the historic period of forty proceed the dress conventions of their mothers while adopting the required outer wraps for boondocks visits but, as Shelagh Weir concludes, styles and fashions within the community are constantly irresolute, albeit less overtly than in the West. The diversity of garment structures and dress conventions are every bit numerous equally the clans and ethnic groups within each region.
Run into also Contemporary Islamic Dress; Religion and Apparel.
Bibliography
Ahsan, Muhammad Grand. Social Life under the Abbasids, 170-289 A.H. ., 786-902 A.D. London: Longman, 1979.
Almegro, Martin, et al. Qusayr Amra. Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1975. Proficient photographs.
Atil, Esin. Levni and the Surname: The Story of an Eighteenth-Century Ottoman Festival. Istanbul: Kocbank, 1999. Splendid illustrations with detailed identification of Ottoman courtroom officials, with skillful bibliography.
Baker, Patricia 50. "The Fez in Turkey: A Symbol of Modernization?" Costume (Periodical of Costume Guild, London) twenty (1986): 72-84.
--. Islamic Textiles. London: British Museum Press, 1995. Useful survey and bibliography.
--. "Politics of Clothes: The Clothes Reform Laws of 1920/30s Iran." In Languages of Dress in the Middle Due east. Edited past Nancy Lindisfarne-Tapper and Bruce Ingham. London: Curzon, 1997. Based on British authorities Strange Office records.
Baker, Patricia L., et al. Silks for the Sultans: Ottoman Imperial Garments from Topkapi Palace. Istanbul: Ertug and Kocabiyik, 1996. Superb photographs with three useful essays.
Bier, Ballad, ed. Woven from the Soul, Spun from the Heart. Washington D.C.: The Cloth Museum, 1987. First-class textile survey.
Chardin, John. Travels in Persia, 1673-1677. Reprint, Toronto: Dover, 1988. Informative eyewitness study.
"Article of clothing: XV, XVIII, XX-XXVI." Encyclopaedia Iranica. Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, 1992. Costume survey of ethnic groups in Iran, with useful bibliographies.
Dozy, Reinhart Pieter Anne. Dictionnaire detaillé des noms des vêtements chez les arabes. Amsterdam: Jean Muller, 1845. Reprint, Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1969. Needs revision but shows wealth of terminology.
Golombek, L., and Veronika Gervers. "Tiraz Fabrics in the Royal Ontario Museum." In Studies in Material History. Edited by Veronika Gervers. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1977. Thorough specialist survey.
Graham-Brownish, Sarah. Images of Women. London: Quartet, 1988. Excellent study of nineteenth- and twentieth-century photographic images beyond Middle Eastward.
Haldane, Duncan. Mamluk Painting. Warminster, U.One thousand.: Aris and Phillips, 1978. Best available study of Mamluk manuscript painting.
Levy, Reuben. "Notes on Costumes from Arabic Sources." Journal of Royal Asiatic Order (of United kingdom and Ireland) (1935): 319-338.
--, trans. The Macalim al-Qurba fi ahkam al-hisba … ibn al-Ukhuwwa. London: Cambridge Academy Press, 1938. Early fourteenth-century Egyptian hisba regulations.
--, trans. and ed. The Macalim al-Qurba fi ahkam al-hisba … ibn al-Ukhuwwa. London: Cambridge University Printing, 1938.
Lindisfarne-Tapper, Nancy, and Bruce Ingham, eds. Languages of Dress in the Centre East. London: Curzon, 1997. Articles apropos Caucasus, Iran, Turkey, and Arabia with useful bibliographies.
Mayer, Leo. Mamluk Costume: A Survey. Geneva: Albert Kundig, 1952. Based on literary accounts.
Rosenthal, F., and N. J. Dawood, trans. and eds. [Ibn Khaldun] The Muqaddimah. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978.
Rugh, Andrea B. Reveal and Conceal: Dress in Contemporary Egypt. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse Academy Printing, 1986. Informative study of late-twentieth-century town, village, and tribal clothes styles.
Scarce, Jennifer. Women's Costume of the Almost and Heart E. London: Unwin Hyman, 1987. Contains some drawings of garment structure.
Serjeant, Robert Betram. Islamic Textiles: Material for a History upward to the Mongol Conquest. Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1972. Informative literary extracts on textiles and garments, just confusing organisation.
Sims, Eleanor. Peerless Images: Persian Figural Painting and Its Sources. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2002. Contains many color illustrations, by a leading authority.
Jump, Christopher, and Julie Hudson. N African Textiles. London: British Museum Press, 1995. Textile-oriented but with apparel information.
Stillman, Yedida Yard., and Nancy Micklewright. "Costume in the Middle East." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 26, no. 1 (July 1992): 13-38. Informative survey of modern scholastic approaches.
Weir, Shelagh. Palestinian Costume. London: British Museum Publications, 1989. Excellent written report.
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